…and media scholars listened
to journalists, would the standards of reportage change? Or would
news-bringers and news-theorists continue to ply their separate
courses?
The University of Chicago Chronicle article
announcing the scholarly conference “Constru(ct)ing the
Current: Theorizing Media in a New Millennium” offered a
textbook case of newspaper journalism. The “hed,”
as it’s called in journalese, was attention-grabbing: “Alumnus
Hersh, who broke stories on My Lai massacre, torture in Iraq,
will join scholars to examine media.” The “lede”
was punchy: “In this week’s issue of the New Yorker
magazine, Chicago alumnus Seymour Hersh broke the story of a top
general’s secret report. …” The “nut graf”—the
paragraph summarizing why readers should read the story—enticed:
“Beginning with the assumption that news is neither a natural
nor self-evident category, but the product of selection and representation,
the two-day symposium will bring scholars together in an effort
to understand how news comes into being.”
It was a textbook case of newspaper journalism—except
for one thing: a news story shouldn’t predict. In fact,
Hersh, AB’58, didn’t show. The lede of a post-event
article on the May 14–15 conference sponsored by Chicago’s
Political Communications Initiative might have run something like
this: “The different worlds of reporting and academia collided
at International House this past spring, and the result resembled
nothing so much as a black hole: it produced a deeply meaningful
absence.”
The nut graf would explain: “In a conference
on how news comes into being, the spectacle of the star attraction
missing the show because he was on deadline for a hot scoop served
almost as an allegory. Again and again, the assembled media theorists—sociologists,
political scientists, anthropologists, literary scholars, and
a lone law professor, from 14 universities—lamented how
their attempts to win the ear of the journalists they scrutinize,
and would like to inform, were stymied by the very different values
of news gathering and academic scholarship.”
The story would continue: “Few journalists
were present to hear the lament: a veteran newspaper reporter,
two radio producers, a magazine writer, and a couple more. Except
for the keynote speaker (Nation magazine Washington correspondent
John Nichols, filling in for Hersh at the last minute), journalists
weren’t on the program. And when they rose to speak during
question-and-answer sessions, they complained about the baffling
jargon the scholars used, or that their blue-sky theorizing should
take into account the time pressures working reporters face. Then
the journalists were gone—back to the office to crash the
next deadline.”
That rainy weekend in May, conference-goers—about
50 in all, the tiny contingent of journalists overwhelmed by scholars,
students, and some Hyde Park residents—learned that when
communications professionals and the scholars who study them try
to communicate, communications break down. Those breakdowns draw
out questions about what kind of stories best serve truth and
democracy. The questions remained, of course, unanswered. But
they left in their wake some common ground: a sense that journalists
and scholars can improve each other’s work—if only
they could learn to listen to one another.
Sentimentalization of the news makes the audience feel
at home in their social skins, not challenged by the demands
of citizenship.
|
First, the professors.
When media scholars get together, they talk structures: the conventions
that prevent journalists from having to reinvent the wheel (hed,
lede, nut graf) every time they sit down to craft a news article,
produce a news segment, or bark out a radio dispatch. Structures,
social theorists like to say, not only constrain, they also enable.
They let us get out of bed every morning and have a meaningful
day. But structures can be manipulative: grooves that direct us
this way instead of that. Often the grooves are invisible to the
naked eye, revealed only through research and sustained reflection.
Such revelation is the goal of critical scholarship.
Another purpose of critical scholarship is
to demonstrate that people are never as autonomous as they think
they are. By understanding the structures they unthinkingly reproduce,
they can better free themselves from such constructs, or at least
begin to create better, richer structures that provide access
to better, richer truths. It frustrates scholars, as Adel Iskander
of the University of Kentucky put it, that such ideas are “not
being reflected back to the media profession.”
Now for the journalists. In 1996 Pierre Bourdieu,
the late French sociologist, wrote a slender book, On Television,
a bestseller and media cause célèbre that examined
“the hidden constraints on journalists, which they in turn
bring to bear on all cultural producers.” Journalists, who
had eagerly embraced Bourdieu when he dissected the French educational
system and academic intellectuals, were outraged when he turned
his sociological eye to their profession: they read his book as
an attack on their autonomy, an accusation directed at their undue
influence. “It should go without saying,” Bourdieu
replied indignantly, that his agenda was “not to denounce
those in charge or to point a finger at the guilty parties,”
but only to understand structures—in this case the structures
responsible for what he termed journalism’s “demagogic
simplification.”
No wonder the reporters were angry. Reporters
pride themselves on their ability to simplify information for
a mass audience. The conventions by which they do so may not be
the most intellectually sophisticated, but at their best those
conventions are matchlessly efficient at bringing the news—sorting
through an infinity of information and reducing it to the most
essential facts, sometimes when the powers that be would rather
have us not know at all. At the Chicago conference’s closing
session, University of Maryland political scientist Christian
Davenport, who delivered a paper on human-rights media coverage,
noted how easy it was for the Rwandan government to cover up its
depredations by manipulating “journalists and naive academics.”
His phrase wounds a journalist’s pride with its clear implication:
all journalists are naive, only some academics.
Hersh might have had something angry to say
about all that—were he not busy at exactly that moment exposing
U.S. human-rights abuses in Iraq. There was a journalist
on hand at that moment to represent his tribe, a polite old gentleman
who stood up to express how pleased he was that academics were
thinking so hard about how his profession might become more self-critical.
But, he said, he’d found most of the conference sessions
“bewildering.”
“There is a historic hostility between
media theorists and media people,” reflected Andrea Wenzel,
a Chicago journalist who dropped by the conference. She should
know; she’s seen it from both sides. Wenzel, AB’99,
AM’99, did her senior thesis on the news program Worldview,
produced by local National Public Radio affiliate WBEZ. As a scholar
of the show she did the same thing many of the conference-goers
do in their research: endeavored to get journalists to reflect
critically on their news judgments. Then she was hired as a Worldview
staffer, and she tried to continue in that critical role. This
being NPR, not some supermarket tabloid, her colleagues were glad
to hear her out. “But I encountered a bit of, ‘Oh,
that’s unrealistic. That’s all nice, but we don’t
have time for that.’ And I was like, ‘We can make
time for this.’ And it hasn’t really happened.”
In a session called “Meditations Inside
Media: Cultures of Journalism,” Cornell University anthropologist
Dominic Boyer, AM’94, PhD’00, provided an emblem of
the contradiction. Boyer’s talk, based on his fieldwork
at a regional East German television station, contained plenty
to confound the stereotypical newsroom ink-stained wretch. He
began by examining the conference’s deconstruction-flavored
title, “Constru(ct)ing the Current,” a meditation
that delved into the Latin word construere and included
several more words a newsroom denizen might only grudgingly acknowledge
belonged to the English language. Then he delivered a sharp kick
in the pants to any academic confident he could do a journalist’s
job.
Sorting through an infinity of information, reporters
pride themselves on their ability to simplify material
for a mass audience.
|
The East German news director had explained
to Boyer that his office received and evaluated about 2,000 news
bulletins and hundreds of press releases a day (“And 99
percent of the time it’s just self-promotional crap,”
his informant said). He read it all, Boyer said, demonstrating
how he plows through all this paper first thing in the morning,
some 300 documents in 30 minutes. Raising his left hand, then
his right, Boyer mimicked how the news director read dispatches
nearly two at a time. Some scholars’ eyes widened: journalists
reflecting critically on the structures that constrain and enable
their practices? The German news director doesn’t even have
resources to send reporters to a story’s scene—the
exception being the time the station’s own studios were
about to be flooded by the Elbe River.
“Academics have so much time,”
Wenzel said wistfully. “Until we can carve out time,”
she said, journalists are stuck with their current structures.
“It’s the habits we practice as we get by.”
Unknowingly, she had dredged up a concept straight out of Bourdieu,
who coined the term habitus to describe how social structures
work. The word has a double significance: it refers to “habits”
and to the social habitation that habits build: a sense
of normalcy, of feeling comfortable, at home, when people conform
to social structures, in contrast to the discomfort they feel
when behaving at odds with those norms. Thus people reproduce
social structures every time they act “normal”—simply
by acting out the “habits we practice as we get by.”
That concept was at the heart of the journalists’
discomfort in the face of Bourdieu’s book. Journalists’
habits play an outsized role in helping determine other citizens’
habits: they tell the stories that help communities define what
is normal. Bourdieu, reporters felt, was accusing them of being
inordinately powerful—and, simultaneously, of being mere
servants to the powers that be. A symbol of the trouble was on
display at the Chicago conference. University of Pittsburgh sociologist
Carrie Rentschler, discussing how therapeutic ideas about managing
trauma have influenced journalism (for the worse, she thought),
criticized the New York Times’ “Portraits
of Grief” series—those capsule obituaries of September
11 victims that ran in the back pages of the stand-alone “A
Nation Challenged” section. In all the series’s melodrama,
she argued, it served as a rhetorical bludgeon “to help
legitimize going to war.”
Reporters, who often feel powerless themselves,
would no doubt argue that it wasn’t their job (or that they
didn’t have time) to critically direct the rhetorical wallop
of the package; instead, they practiced the habits journalists
employ to get by, one of which is, when called upon to write about
the dead, to tell sentimental stories. Is it fair to imply that
their comforting profiles for a grieving nation had anything to
do with the country’s military policies?
At another session, Chicago political-science
doctoral student Deva Rashida Woodly, AM’03, voiced annoyance
at what she detected as a similarly accusatory tone in other conference
papers. “If journalists are complicit, with whom are they
complicit?” she asked. It was one of the weekend’s
open questions. A wide range of theories concern the complex relationship
of agency to structure, some radically pluralist in their implications
(locating the sources of power everywhere and nowhere), some nearly
conspiratorial. Hashing out such differences makes up the warp
and woof of any humanities or social-science conference. Out of
the resulting fabric can come concrete insights about the world—for
the scholarly aficionado, a deeply pleasurable thing to watch.
But to become an aficionado requires time, training, and patience:
just what the journalistic habitus has not found space for. It’s
part of the explanation for the historic hostility between media
theorists and media practitioners, part of the reason for all
the bewilderment.
But sometimes media scholars say things media
professionals need to hear. Sometimes scholarly excavations of
how journalistic structures get unthinkingly reproduced reveal
necessary insights. For sometimes such structures are not efficient
in bringing the news but rather get in the way—a process
only critical scholarship, for all its complexities and abstractions,
can explain. A paper by Melani McAlister, an associate professor
of American studies and international affairs at George Washington
University, “The Personal Is Political: Television News
and the 1979–1980 Iran Hostage Crisis,” was the conference’s
standout example.
The hostage crisis was a watershed event, argued
McAlister, changing the way the media, especially the electronic
media, brings the news of national trauma—as sentimental
morality tales glossing over historical and political background.
To prove her point she unpacked an utterance by Walter Cronkite:
one night in February 1980, the CBS anchor referred to “the
gigantic puzzle for the last 103 days that has been Iran.”
But the event, McAlister stressed, even if criminal and monumentally
uncivil, was not a puzzle. The militants who had taken
over their nation were explicit about their aim: to overthrow
what they saw as a feckless and cruel native elite, in hock to
the West. They were even more explicit about the goal of their
hostage taking. They demanded extradition of the Shah from the
United States to stand trial in Iran. What rendered the events
puzzling, McAlister demonstrated, was their misrepresentation
on television news, packaged in an innovative, if questionable,
new genre of sentimentality.
ABC led the way with its popular nightly wrap-up,
America Held Hostage (which later became Nightline).
McAlister chalked up its success to the ascension of ABC’s
flashy sports producer Roone Arledge to head up the news division—fresh
from leading ABC’s 1976 Olympics coverage. Arledge’s
revolution? Telling the hostage story through the same “up
close and personal” tropes by which he had revolutionized
TV sports. The other networks, spying ABC’s ratings, followed
in hot pursuit. A new cultural figure saturated American television
screens (and still does): the grieving family member—a moving
part of the story, even an essential one. But soon it became the
cornerstone of practically the only story broadcast news was telling.
McAlister described one clip in which a reporter asked a little
girl what she wanted for Christmas—knowing full well that
the answer was to have her Daddy back.
The hostages’ status “as good people
and good family members, good to their children”—never
their simultaneous status as officials of a country with which
the militants believed themselves at war—preempted grown-up
debate about whether the problem had anything to do with previous
American Middle East policy. Instead the news got trapped into
a habitus saturated with sentimentality—“the cultural
work of privatization,” McAlister summarized it, this insistence
on some inherent American “right to live our lives unmolested
by politics.” Such coverage has had repercussions: “Why
do they hate us?” Americans asked during the hostage crisis
as much as after 9/11. Not for any reason TV news took upon itself
to examine.
Because it became so habitual for a story’s
most maudlin aspect to become a story’s dominant aspect,
McAlister stressed, TV news—and as the New York Times’
“Portraits of Grief” series suggests, most news in
this country—becomes an ongoing saga of individual Americans,
living their lives in exemplary ordinariness, being set upon by
inexplicable outside forces. Sentimental family scenes have become
this TV segment’s substitute for the newspaper nut graf,
and analysis rarely goes any deeper. McAlister wasn’t the
only scholar to stress the political effects of the news’
increased reliance on this trope. It evolved as one of the conference’s
unintended themes. Mark Pedelty of the University of Minnesota
made a convincing case that during the 1980s Salvadoran civil
war, the supposedly sentimental genres of rock and folk music
changed places with the supposedly unsentimental genre of TV news:
listeners got more useful political information from the songs
than from the news stories. Meg McLagan of NYU, meanwhile, demonstrated
how the very aspirations of the Tibetan freedom movement had been
scaled down by a human rights–oriented media strategy that
stressed the suffering of pitiable innocents (monks and nuns)
in lieu of a more politicized struggle for national liberation.
Wenzel lamented journalism’s overreliance
on sentimentality. But “it’s just really hard,”
she said, to imagine ways beyond the now-familiar tropes. “Those
sorts of stories are easier. I’d like to see scholars come
up with ways to help us with this issue in a practical way.”
It isn’t easy, and it’s a question
of habitus. The conference’s arguments about sentimentality
relied on decades of intellectual labor on “sentiment”
and its psychic, historical, political, existential, and phenomenological
determinants—work that dates back to the scholarly examination
of how women in the 18th century, seen as the natural bearers
of “feeling,” pushed themselves into the political
sphere. One scholar whom McAlister cited, Chicago English professor
Lauren Berlant, has led the way in describing how such sentimentalism
has evolved to become a dominant mode of participating in public
life today. Berlant provides richly theorized accounts of the
myriad psychological steps by which we match the stories we see
on our screens to stories we recognize in our lives; the ways
that the news makes us feel comfortable—emotionally at home—in
our social skins, not challenged by the demands of citizenship.
“The history of U.S. political modernity
has registered a shift of priority within normative, performative
power styles from the rational circuit of opinionated argument
to the visceral performance of moral clarity,” Berlant writes
in one recent paper. “Television has elaborated these norms
of what we might call emotional humanism, relying on the successful
broadcast of scenes of intense emotion to serve as a lubricant
for social belonging....” As a result, “the airwaves
are saturated with incitements to keep citizens linked to each
other through beliefs that the version of experience they see
digested on screen is composed of their own, the public’s
own, simultaneous, spontaneous, identical, and transparent sensations
in response to events deemed clearly worthy of noticing.”
These are arguments every journalist should
have to contend with. But it’s not practical to explicate
passages like Berlant’s on deadline. It’s a far less
practical project to imagine how media scholars might persuade
journalists to buck the complex interrelated system of structure,
agency, ideology, money, and power that keep these sentimental
stories getting told. In a word, it would be hard to
bring journalists into the embrace of academic theorists—even
if it would improve their craft. Better lines of communication,
however, would be a start. Journalists might risk the occasional
attendance at scholarly conferences on their profession—though
they might have to muster some mighty patience, even some swallowed
pride, to do so. Editors and executives might slow their breakneck
demands long enough to give reporters time to take the risk. And
scholars, for their part, could work harder to meet journalists
halfway. Both sides could shed some naïveté about
what it means to bring the news.
Rick Perlstein, AB’92, is chief
national political correspondent at the Village Voice and author
of Before the Storm: Barry Goldwater and the Unmaking of
the American Consensus (Hill & Wang, 2001).